One of the most challenging problems facing researchers is the fact that most of the populations relevant to the study of human trafficking, such as victims/survivors of trafficking for sexual exploitation, traffickers, or illegal migrants are part of a “hidden population”, i.e. it is almost impossible to establish a sampling frame and draw a representative sample of the population. The papers dealing with research methods highlight some of the key problems encountered when conducting trafficking research. They have been placed at the beginning of this volume as trafficking research has been criticized in the past for saying little about the methods used to collect and analyse data (see, in particular, the chapter by Kelly). One of the aims of this publication is to suggest ways in which the research methods used to study trafficking could be made more robust. The volume also includes a human trafficking bibliography organized by region and the Notes and Commentary Section includes a meeting summary on “Identifying and serving child victims of trafficking”.

Child trafficking, under the guise of intercountry adoption, is a form of human trafficking that is often misunderstood by policy makers, governments, the media, and nongovernmental organizations. The aim of this analysis is to bring awareness and attention to child trafficking disguised as inter-country adoption, to provide an analysis of current policies that address human trafficking and inter-country adoption, and to suggest that in order to support more ethical child welfare practices, social workers and NASW, in particular, should take a more aggressive role in the development of sound approaches to international child welfare and the protection of children, especially during humani-tarian emergencies. We use the 2010 abduction attempt of Haitian children by American missionaries as a case to demonstrate how existing policies are insufficient to provide protection to victims and to prosecute perpetrators of this form of child trafficking. We conduct an analysis of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 and provide an application of the Intercountry Adoption Act of 2000.

Security sector reform programs restructure police forces to improve how they respond to gender-based violence (GBV). However, significant weaknesses persist in how police officers enforce anti-GBV laws. One area of weakness is the attrition of cases; officers fail to refer the majority of cases to the courts but rather withdraw them at the police station. Studies of police behavior in post-conflict African states have attributed the withdrawal of cases to corruption, poor professionalism, patriarchal gender norms, and underequipped police forces. Though salient, these conditions do not adequately explain police responses to GBV crimes. Even in police stations with the most poorly trained, corrupt, underequipped, and biased officers, a small number of cases advance to court. This dissertation investigates this puzzle by studying officers’ responses to domestic violence, internal human trafficking, and rape in two Liberian counties. While officers withdraw over 50 percent of domestic violence and internal human trafficking cases, they withdraw less than five percent of rape cases every year. This study employs 150 interviews with officers of the Women and Children Protection Section (WACPS) as well as survivors of violence, bureaucrats, and staff of international organizations (IOs) and local women’s nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to explain this disparity. It finds that officers are more likely to refer rape cases to court because they perceive rape as an offense that is above the jurisdiction of the police and because the WACPS enforces a non-withdrawal policy for rape cases. This perception is a product of training provided by state and non-state actors; the stature of the crime in the penal law; and the WACPS’ policies. This study also finds that when these two conditions do not exist, officers sometimes forward cases to court based on their judgments of the victim and of the effects of the crime on the victim. It argues that the state, IOs, and NGOs have prioritized sexual violence and emphasized the prosecution of sexual offenders through legal and policy changes, institution building, and awareness-raising, to the relative neglect of other forms of GBV. This disparity has contributed to the variation in how officers respond to GBV.

This paper shows how human trafficking for criminal exploitation can occur in environments of armed conflict in which adults and even children are recruited to fight. It proposes that these people’s status as victims should be taken into account when determining the degree of their criminal responsibility within the framework of a transitional justice process such as the one applied in Colombia under the 2005 Justice and Peace Act (Ley de Justicia y Paz). In order to prove that some victims of human trafficking exploited in the Colombian armed conflict have not been duly identified as such, it presents the main results of a qualitative study carried out with 20 women inmates in Colombian prisons who were members of guerrilla groups and were demobilised under the terms of the Justice and Peace Act. The study shows how the life stories narrated by 16 of these women make it possible to identify them as victims of trafficking for criminal exploitation even though they have not been classified as such. In 80% of the analysed cases, the women suffered episodes of victimisation that led them to join and remain in the armed group, often against their will. These episodes involved the use of means to recruit them and to force them to stay active in the group that show they underwent a genuine process of human trafficking.

This facilitator’s guide has been designed to accompany the ‘Human Trafficking: A modern form of slavery’ training manual and training programme, with the aim of providing participants with a complete package of lesson plans and training skills necessary for carrying out short training and information sessions on human trafficking. The guide includes training tips and guidelines for effective communication skills; lesson plans covering five thematic areas and an appendix of ice breaker activities and additional resources. An updated information sheet is included in the inside cover of the training manual, as a corrigendum to the 2009 edition.

This Guidance Note focuses on Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration (AVRR) of migrants with health needs. This Guidance Note is an internal IOM tool, intended to help project developers and implementers, as well as staff members responsible for the review and endorsement of projects, to apply the standards of the Organization in performance of their functions. In case aforementioned IOM staff needs to deviate from this Guidance Note, the Department of Migration Management (DMM) - Migrant Assistance Division (MAD) and Migration Health Division (MHD) - need to be consulted.

Human trafficking is an effective tool that serves several purposes for terrorist organizations. It facilitates the recruitment and retention of male foreign fighters and provides a reward mechanism for successful combatants.It also generates revenue and contributes to psychologically crushing “the enemy,” by “decimat[ing] communities”.Trafficking, as a tactic of warfare, “intimidates populations and reduces resistance just as enslavement and rape of women.”While it is well-understood that ISIS’s kidnapping and enslavement of Yazidi women and other female prisoners constitutes human trafficking, less attention has been paid to the prospect that some of ISIS’s female recruits from the West, who average 18 years of age 5, may also be considered victims of entrapment and trafficking because of the techniques used to lure these young women and how they are exploited upon arrival in ISIS-held territory.

While the effect of humanitarian intervention on the recurrence and intensity of armed conflict in a crisis zone has received significant scholarly attention, there has been comparatively less work on the negative externalities of introducing peacekeeping forces into conflict regions. This article demonstrates that large foreign forces create one such externality, namely a previously non-existent demand for human trafficking. Using Kosovo, Haiti, and Sierra Leone as case studies, we suggest that the injection of comparatively wealthy soldiers incentivizes the creation of criminal networks by illicit actors. We theorize further that the magnitude of increase in trafficking should be directly proportional to the size of the foreign force, with larger forces producing larger increases. We find that both hypotheses hold with varying levels of confidence across our three case studies. Despite the benevolent intent of peacekeeping missions, the possibility that they may contribute to human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation runs counter to the spirit of such interventions. This is especially problematic given that trafficking rings, once established, may be adapted to provide weapons and narcotics, thereby planting the seed of further destabilization.

The review found a great deal of work on the subject of conflict and its effects on women, children, and gender-based violence; the gender aspects of peacekeeping; and human trafficking in countries that once were in conflict. However, very few of these works deal directly with the issues of conflict, human trafficking, and their interrelationships; even fewer works contain in-depth descriptions and analyses of conditions present in conflict and post-conflict situations, which particularly contribute to the emergence of human trafficking in post-conflict and neighboring countries. The exception is the growing body of work on childsoldiers and women associated with the fighting forces (WAFF), recent works on human trafficking in women and girls for sexual exploitation in and around areas with peacekeeping missions, and the evolving links between post-conflict trafficking in persons and organized crime. From the literature review, most trafficking in post-conflict countries follows predictable patterns based on the country’s placement on the conflict spectrum. Immediately before and during conflict, human trafficking is primarily related to the recruitment and use of child soldiers and WAFF. At this stage, there is also human trafficking of refugees and displacedpersons, especially for sexual exploitation or labor. Immediately following conflict, most child soldiers and WAFF victims are released and try to reintegrate back into civilian society—usually through a disarmament, demobilization, and rehabilitation (DDR) program. With the influx of large numbers of peacekeepers, human trafficking shifts toward prostitution of women and girls. In the post-conflict period, the lack of law and order and the large numbers of vulnerable and destitute populations, especially female refugees, IDPs, separated children, and war widows, contribute toward the country becoming a source and a transit point for human trafficking for sexual exploitation or forced labor. In this post-conflict climate, women and girls suffer disproportionately from lack of access to resources and education, thereby heightening their vulnerability to various forms of exploitation and human trafficking. In search of opportunities to improve their social, economic, and political situations in more developed cities or countries, yet lacking comprehensive information or access to legitimate migration programs, many of these persons fall victim to human traffickers. This phenomenon occurs not only in the immediate post-conflict period, but often well after the conflict has subsided. In some areas, such as the former Soviet Union and the Balkans, literature links post-conflict trafficking with organized and transnational crime. A few of the reviewed works also examine the role wealthier countries play as sources of demand and destination of trafficked persons.

Disaffected, impoverished, and displaced people in weak and failing states are particularly vulnerable. Human trafficking exploits social and political turmoil caused by natural disasters, economic crisis, and armed conflict. The exploitation and forced servitude of millions of trafficking victims take many forms. Women and children are trafficked into becoming child soldiers and concubines of illegal armed groups, men, women and children are trafficked into forced labor and sexual slavery, forced to sell drugs, steal, and beg money for the criminals controlling them, and thousands are coerced or forced into a growing black market trade in human body parts. The growth in illegal mining operations by illegal armed groups and organized crime is also fueling conditions of forced labor. Trafficking victims are dehumanized and suffer grave physical and mental illness and often die at the hands of their captors and exploiters. Colombia is particularly afflicted by the scourge of human trafficking. All the elements of modern-day slavery and human exploitation are present in this Latin American state that is struggling to overcome decades of internal armed conflict, social fragmentation, poverty, and the constant debilitating presence of organized crime and corruption. Women’s Link Worldwide recently reported that human trafficking is not viewed as an internal problem among Colombian officials, despite estimates that more than 70,000 people are trafficked within Colombia each year. This article examines human trafficking in its many forms in Colombia, the parties involved in trafficking, and the State’s response or lack of response to human trafficking. The article also presents innovations that might be effective for combating human trafficking, and proposes that Colombia can serve as an effective model for other countries to address this growing domestic and international human rights catastrophe.